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LUNCH 

GIVEN IN HONOR OF 

MONSIEUR OCTAVE HOMBERG. 
MONSIEUR ERNEST MALLET. 

and 

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD READING. G. C. B.. 

LORD CHIEF JUSTICE OF ENGLAND. 

SIR EDWARD H. HOLDEN. BART., 

SIR HENRY BABINGTON SMITH. K. C. B.. 

BASIL P. BLACKETT. ESQUIRE. C. B.. 

MEMBERS OF THE ANGLO-FRENCH CREDIT AND FINANCE COMMISSION. 

BY 

THE FRANCE-AMERICA COMMITTEE OF NEW YORK, 

AT 

HOTEL KNICKERBOCKER, 

NEW YORK, 

OCTOBER 1. 1915. 






By transfer 
The Ifhlte House. 






- LUNCH 

•-. GIVEN IN HONOR OF 

>^- MONSIEUR OCTAVE HOMBERG. MONSIEUR ERNEST MALLET, AND 

^ THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE LORD READING, G. C. B.. LORD CHIEF 

JUSTICE OF ENGLAND. SIR EDWARD H. HOLDEN. BART., SIR HENRY 

BABINGTON SMITH, K. C. B.. AND BASIL P. BLACKETT. ESQUIRE, C. B.. 

MEMBERS OF THE ANGLO-FRENCH CREDIT AND FINANCE COMMISSION, 

BY 

THE FRANCE-AMERICA COMMITTEE OF NEW YORK, 
OCTOBER I, 1915. 



In the absence of the President of the Committee, 
Mr. Hepburn, the Vice-President, Mr. Guthrie, presided, 
and at the end of the lunch made the following remarks : 

Gentlemen : 

I ask you to rise and lift your glasses high to the joint 
toast of His Excellency the President of the United 
States, His Excellency the President of the Republic of 
France and His Majesty the King of England. 

I ask you again to rise and lift your glasses high to 
the joint toast of the other Allies: to His Majesty the 
King of the Belgians, whose valiant and heroic people 
have suffered so frightfully and have again shown, as 
Cffisar taught us, that "Horum omnium fortissimi sunt 
Belgae;" to His Imperial Majesty the Czar of all the 
Eussias, whose brave soldiers have stood so much of the 
brunt of the battle and paid such an awful toll, and to His 
Majesty the King of Italy and his courageous army and 
navy, whose help may yet prove decisive. 



As the permanent object of the France-America Com- 
mittee, which was organized long before the present war, 
is to perpetuate the traditions and bonds of friendship 
whicli bind the governments and peoples of France and 
America together, our guests will readily appreciate why 
France should seem, at the moment, to be foremost in our 
thoughts. 

Monsieur Homberg, Monsieur Mallet : 

Le Comite France-Amerique de New York eprouve un 
tres vif plaisir a saluer en vous les delegues de la Eepub- 
iique Frangaise. Le Comite tient a vous temoigner I'amitie 
des Americains pour la France, notre admiration de 
I'heroisme que le peuple frangais de toutes classes a 
montre pendant 1 'annee atf reuse qui vient de s 'ecouler, nos 
ardentes sympathies pour vos souffrances, et nos sou- 
haits pour votre avenir. 

Notre hospitalite est malheureusement impregnee 
d'une tristesse poignante, car un souci de tous les in- 
stants ne nous permet pas d 'oublier la guerre brutale et 
feroce qui a devaste une grande partie de la France et 
presque toute la Belgique, et qui menace non seulement 
les libertes des peuples frangais et beige, mais la civili- 
sation de toute I'Europe. II est vrai que notre gou- 
vernement national, pour des raisons d'etat, se trouve 
force de maintenir une neutralite legale, tache si dif- 
ficile et si complexe, mais le peuple americain ne saurait 
etre indifferent aux malheurs et aux detresses des Fran- 
gais. Un grand Americain a bien dit que c'est en ap- 
prenant I'histoire de son pays que I'enfant americain ap- 
prend a aimer la France. Nous ne pourrions jamais oublier 
I'aide genereuse, la sympathie, le devouement, et le 



desinteressement que le peuple frangais nous a temoignes 
au debut de notre liistoire. Le souvenir, Messieurs, en 
est ineffagable. Innombrables sont mes compatriotes qui 
prient de tout coeur qu'une nouvelle Bataille de Poitiers 
contre les Sarrasins delivre bientot la belle et sainte 
terre de France de ses envahisseurs. 

Le service que la France a rendu aux Etats- 
Unis est souvent raeconnu et quelquefois oublie. L'lieure 
est venue de refuter et les denigrements et les prejuges. 
Le Comite France-Amerique voudrait saisir cette occasion 
pour rappeler liautement ce que nous devons a la France 
et exprimer la reconnaissance profonde que le peuple 
americain ressent envers le peuple frangais. 

La plupart des liistoriens, clierchant leurs materiaux 
dans les archives des gouvernements et dans les notes des 
rois et de leurs ministres, ne voient trop souvent qu'un 
calcul ou un motif interesse dans I'aide que la France 
nous a apportee et dans I'amitie qu'elle nous a 
temoignee pendant notre Guerre d'Independance. Mais 
ceux qui cherchent consciencieusement a penetrer jusqu 'a 
I'ame du peuple frangais pendant les annees de 1776 a 
1781, comme Tavait fait I'historien Americain, James 
Breck Perkins, feu le president du Comite des Affaires 
Etrangeres de notre Congres National, attestent que 
cette aide, qui fut si efficace et qui seule a rendu notre 
succes possible, etait desinteressee et n'etait inspiree 
que par sympathie pour un peuple faible et par amour 
pour la liberte et la justice politique. La Fayette, I'ami 
intime et devoue de Washington et de Franklin, etait 
veritablement rincarnation du sentiment d'enthousiasme 
exalte et de sympathie ardente que les Frangais 
ressentaient alors dans toutes les classes pour un peuple 



qui voulait etre libre. Sans doute Louis XVI et 
Vergennes y voyaient des avantages incidentels et des 
raisons d'etat, mais c'etait bien le peuple impatient et 
I'entliousiasnie et le sentiment public de la nation 
entiere qui ont finalement force le gouvernement du 
Eoi a nous envoyer une armee disciplinee sous Bocbam- 
beau et une flotte de guerre sous d'Estaing et de Grasse. 
L 'importance incalculable du service rendu par les 
Frangais pent etre estimee en nous rappelant que les 
deux tiers et les mieux equipees des troupes alliees a 
Yorktown etaient frangais et que ce fut a Eocliambeau 
que le commandant anglais avait cru devoir rendre son 
epee. 

En prenant part a notre Guerre d'Independance, le 
peuple frangais savait parfaitement que son aide lui 
couterait un prix enorme et que les impots deja trop lourds 
devraient etre encore augmentes. L'liistorien Perkins 
declare que le montant des depenses de la Prance pour 
liberer I'Amerique s'est eleve a sept cent soixante douze 
millions de dollars, c'est a dire, a plus de trois milliards 
huit cent millions de francs. En ce temps-la, I'argent 
valait probablement deux fois ce qu'il vaut aujourd'hui. 
De cette enorme depense, qui a mine le tresor royal, pas 
un sou n'a ete rembourse a la Prance. Elle ne I'a jamais 
reclame, et elle en refuserait fierement aujourd'hui le 
remboursement en nous rappelant qu'elle avait stipule 
dans le traite d 'alliance avec les Etats-Unis d'Amerique 
du 6 Pevrier, 1778, qu'elle ne recevrait aucune 
indemnite pour sa cooperation et ses sacrifices, 
et que meme si le Canada etait conquis, la contree 
serait annexee aux Etats-Unis et non pas retournee a 
la Prance. Ce traite, sans precedent en generosite dans 



I'liistoire du monde, etait le premier de tous les traites 
que les Eitats-Unis ont faits et le seul traite d 'alliance 
dans notre liistoire. 

Ne serait-il pas souverainement juste, si le peuple ameri- 
oain, cent trente quatre ans apres la bataille de York- 
town, reconnaissait ce service — je me refuse a I'appeler 
dette — en offrant au peuple f rangais un credit commercial 
du principal, c'est a dire, sept cent soixante douze millions 
de dollars, remboursable quand la France le pourrait? Ce ne 
serait que 1 'equivalent d'une contribution de sept dollars 
et demi par chaque citoyen des Etats-Unis, bien moins 
que I'impot qui a ete paye volontairement et de bon coeur 
par le peuple francais du dix-huitieme siecle pour nous 
aider. Quelle noblesse, quelle gloire, quelle splendeur de 
coeur, d'ame et d 'esprit si les grands banquiers ameri- 
cains avaient pu proclamer au monde qu'ils avaient eux- 
memes fixe le cliiffre de sept cent soixante douze 
millions en reconnaissance du passe! Nous serious 
vraiment fiers de notre generation si elle pouvait 
ecrire une page aussi sublime, aussi imperissable dans 
I'histoire du monde. Alors, Messieurs, nul doute ne sub- 
sisterait quant au succes eclatant de votre mission, sur- 
tout si une parole eloquente pouvait toucher le coeur des 
Americains et leur rappeler combien ils doivent a la 
France, a cette republique soeur, et combien la question 
aujourd'hui n'est pas seulement une affaire commerciale 
pour leur propre profit avec leurs meilleurs clients, mais 
aussi une question de gratitude pour un ami loyal et 
devoue et de sympatliie effective pour un grand et noble 
peuple qui souffre. 

Au nom de cette reconnaissance et de cette sympatbie 
americaines que j'ai essaye d'exprimer en interpretant, 



j'en suis convaincu, la pensee de tons les Americains 
reunis ici, je leve mon verre en I'lionneur de la Eepub- 
lique Frangaise, de la France blessee mais si vivante, si 
valiante, et de ses representants distingues qui nous 
lionorent de leur presence, M. Octave Homberg et M. 
Ernest Mallet. Messieurs, j'ai I'honneur de vous 
presenter M. Homberg. 

M. Homberg replied in French most graciously 
and eloquently, and Mr. Guthrie then continued: 

My Lord Chief Justice of England and Gentlemen of the 
British Commission: 

After the eloquent tributes of last night at the Pil- 
grims, I find it extremely difficult to express and convey 
to you the full import and sincerity of our welcome. 

Every tie that can bind one people to another binds the 
American people to the English. Most of us are of the 
Anglo-Saxon race and have the same blood coursing 
through our veins. To the great majority of Americans, 
England has ever been the mother country. We speak 
the same language, read the same literature, strive for 
the same ideals, are governed by the same principles of 
politics and jurisprudence, and entertain the same funda- 
mental conceptions of right and wrong and justice as be- 
tween men and between nations. The greater part of 
England's history is our history; her Magna Carta is our 
Magna Carta, and the immortal deeds of valor of the Eng- 
lish, Scotch, Irish and Welsh are our heritage and the 
source of our inspiration. Our hearts, therefore, cannot 
but beat faster day after day as we read of the splendid 
heroism and noble self-sacrifice of that great race. 



To our minds the noblest and the most truly glori- 
ous page in the history of England was written by Sir 
Edward Grey when, on behalf of your Government, my 
Lord, he refused to break the plighted faith of England 
to avoid involving her in the greatest and most disas- 
trous war in the history of the world, a war for which 
England was not prepared, for which Sir Edward and 
his colleagues knew she was not prepared, and which 
threatened and might involve the ruin of the British Em- 
pire. There is a nobility and sublimity, inexpressible by 
mere words, in the act of sending that small but now im- 
mortal British army to Belgium in August of last year, to 
face tenfold its number, to die for strangers— for a mere 
''scrap of paper," as it was cynically and immorally 
called— solely that the honor of England might be kept 
inviolate. England has never been grander or nobler 
than on that day. The glory she then gained cannot fade. 
Gentlemen, the Anglo-Saxon race never rose to higher re- 
nown than when the British statesmen of today showed 
on such a grand scale that the spirit of the Light Brigade 
at Balaclava still lives : 

" Their 's not to reason why. 
Their 's but to do and die." 

And we Americans were then prouder than ever before 
to belong to the Anglo-Saxon race. 

You Englishmen may prevail in this war, or you may 
fail. We hope and pray that you will prevail. But what- 
ever may happen, wliatever may be decreed by Provi- 
dence, your magnificent and unselfish heroism in spring- 
ing to the defense of Belgium has added to England's 
renown and to our race a glory which is priceless and in- 



finitely beyond the whole cost of the war, a glory worth 
dying for, a glory that will thrill and uplift generations of 
men for all time, a glory that will ever inspire acts of 
patriotic service and valorous self-sacrifice, of chivalry 
and honor. 

Although, gentlemen of the British Commission, tlie 
deep sympathy of the great majority of Americans is in- 
tensely with the Allies in the present war, we want you to 
return to England appreciating why we must loyally sup- 
port the neutrality which the President of the United 
States has proclaimed. The policy of this country in re- 
gard to European wars was fixed in 1793. The most im- 
portant and enduring service that President Washington 
rendered to the United States was when he stood firm as 
a rock against the abuse and clamor of that day in up- 
holding and enforcing neutrality in favor of England as 
against the demands of her then enemies. We have con- 
sistently adhered to that principle for more than one hun- 
dred and twenty years. It has been our fixed and constant 
policy, not a football of politics, or of newspaper propa- 
ganda, or of temporary emotion or expediency, but the 
sober judgment and conscience of the Nation. The es- 
sence of this policy is that it is the duty of our govern- 
ment not only to the present but to future generations to 
avoid being drawn into European wars unless our honor 
or our vital interests become involved. During more than 
a century we have invited the inhabitants of every nation 
of Europe to come here and become a part of our coun- 
try, and we have impliedly assured them of our adher- 
ence to this traditional policy of neutrality. If, now, we 
also should draw the sword, out of heartfelt sympathy 
and friendship for the Allies, or in indignation at the 



9 

outrage of the violation of Belgium, we might be here- 
after constantly involved in European conflicts in which 
we would have no other than a humanitarian interest, 
and as a result find the devoted friends and relatives of 
today the inflamed and bitter enemies of tomorrow. 

My Lord and Gentlemen of the British Commission, 
we want you to return to England realizing how diffi- 
cult and complex is the task of our President. Under 
our system of government, he alone can speak for the 
Nation and commit us in our foreign relations, upon him 
alone is imposed the awful burden of responsibility and 
duty, and patriotism commands us as Americans loyally 
to support him, whatever may be our individual opin- 
ions or sentiments as to particular measures or omis- 
sions. We want you to return profoundly convinced 
that in standing by our policy of neutrality, we are not 
indifferent, or callous, or pusillanimous, or mercenary; 
but that our President is striving on our behalf to do 
what is right as God gives him to see the right, not only 
by the Americans now living but by those future gen- 
erations for whom we are the trustees. Above all, we 
want you to return to England firmly believing that we 
unqualifiedly approve and extol the noble and heroic 
action of England in drawing her sword in defense of 
Belgium, and that our heartfelt sympathy and good 
wishes are with you and your heroic sailors and soldiers 
at the front. 

Gentlemen, I ask you to rise and lift your glasses high 
and drain them in honor of the distinguished representa- 
tives of England. I have the pleasure of presenting to 
you The Right Honourable Lord Reading, the Lord Chief 
Justice of England. 



10 

After a stirring response by Lord Eeading, Mr. 
Guthrie in conclusion said: 

On behalf of the France-America Committee of New 
York, I tender our thanks to the distinguished guests 
from France and England who have so graciously ac- 
cepted our hospitality and granted us this opportunity to 
meet them and enjoy their company. I likewise thank 
the distinguished American guests too numerous to men- 
tion by name, though including the Chief Judge of our 
Court of Appeals, Judge Bartlett, our ex- Ambassadors 
to France, Greneral Porter and Mr. Bacon, and Admiral 
Peary, who have come here to join and participate with 
us in this welcome. 

Finally, I direct that a minute be entered on our rec- 
ords voicing the regret of all that the President of the 
Committee, Mr. Hepburn, should have been prevented by 
duties elsewhere from being with us and presiding today. 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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